Revisiting Burma’s Popular Foreign Policy Notion’s & its Reality

Burma, which is officially known as Myanmar since 1989 has witnessed a significant change over the years in its foreign policy endeavours. It has been often said by Western Scholars as well as by some Asian Scholars, which popularized the notion’s that, after independence, Myanmar followed the course of ‘Neutralism’ during U Nu’s democratic era, ‘Isolationism’ under General Ne Win’s military rule under SLORC till 1987, then the course of ‘Independent and Active’ foreign policy after 1988 democratic upsurge till today with the world community. These notions have been developed due to the analysis of outcome of unstable internal political situation of Burma during U Nu’s democratic rule and accepting military junta’s definition of foreign policy directed to mitigate the prolonged demand for restoration of democracy under Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in the land of pagodas.

Is it ‘Neutralism’ and ‘Isolationism’ during early phase?

Although interestingly Myanmar’s present military dictators of State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) are not definite in defining their foreign policy postures of SLORC rule and they officially in some documents describe General Ne Win’s rule as a period of ‘Isolationism’ and in some documents as ‘independent and non-aligned’ foreign policy. As Burma’s contemporary Ministry of Foreign policy direction (of Year 2006) clearly states that, “Beginning in 1971 Myanmar transformed its independent and non-aligned Foreign policy to an independent active foreign policy.”[i] Whereas their official document entitled, “Political Situation of Myanmar” describes SLORC rule of General Ne Win’s Burmese way to Socialism as, ‘During this period Myanmar more or less stayed away from the regional and international crisis with doors partly closed eventually leading her to a self-imposed seclusion in pursuit of her own ideals.’[ii] Even the Government of India’s External Affair’s Ministry documents till today accepts that, “During the Ne Win era, Myanmar followed an ‘isolationist’ policy withdrawing even from NAM in 1979.”[iii] However before analyzing the true nature of Isolationism under General Ne Win’s military rule, it is important to asses briefly the first phase of ‘Neutralism’ popularly phrased as ‘Everybody’s friend but nobody’s ally’ during early democratic rule under Burma’s first Prime Minister U Nu.

When Burma got independence on 4^th January 1948 under U Nu’s leadership, the nation was in pain with the assassination of maker of modern Burma & ‘Tatmadaw’ (military) Bogyoke Aung San on 19^th July 1947 with six of his cabinet colleagues. The tragic assassination happened just after eleven days; Burma established their diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom (UK) on 07^th July 1947. However after this assassination, soon Burma established diplomatic relations with Pakistan on 1^st of August 1947 and then United States of America (USA) on 19^th of September 1947 before their independence. However, Aung San’s successor U Nu, after completion of the Constituent Assembly work on 24 September 1947, later decided secession from British Commonwealth in his mid-October 1947 trip to London. Burma’s early endeavour to establish diplomatic relations with Pakistan was result of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s effort to secure distant East Pakistan and diplomatic relations with UK & USA’s before independence was the outcome of second world war.

Although Burmese leadership under U Nu was not late to realize the Asian message of neutralism & struggle against colonialism, which was reflected in first Asian Relations Conference held at New Delhi in March-April 1947. And when Burma became independent on 4^th January 1948, it pursued the path of neutralism & non-alignment of India and established diplomatic relations with her on Independence Day. Burma during U Nu’s democratic era truly enjoyed the policy of neutralism and non-alignment with strong relations with India also due to her association with Indian leadership during nationalist movement and personal rapport of U Nu with then Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, which didn’t allow Pakistan to find space in Burma’s politics against India’s national interest. When Burma’s great assassinated leader, Aung San’s wife – Daw Khin Kyi (Mother of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi) took the ambassadorial position of Burma in India, it saw more closeness with the land of Pagodas. So during democratic era of Burma, from 4^th January 1948 to March 1962, the golden land enjoyed further strengthening of relations between India and Burma. So, Democratic Burma’s closeness with India was natural reflection of the past cultural-historical-political relations existing between two countries since time immemorial.

During Burma’s democratic era of neutralism, India always helped Burma in its hour of need by providing weapons to the Burmese government when the insurrection began in 1948, by informing Burma of a plot between two English adventurers and the Karen prior to the Karen revolt, and by offering Burma a substantial loan during its financial crisis of 1955.[iv] Burma became founder member of NAM with India and tried its best to cooperate with Afro-Asian nations in United Nations on international problems.

Although even during its neutralism period, Burma struggling with her nationwide communist insurgency problem also established bilateral diplomatic relations with western cold war blocs or North Atlantic Treaty organizations (NATO) like – Belgium (1953), the Netherlands (1948), West Germany (1954), Canada (1958), as well as Union Soviet Socialist Republic (1948) or Warsaw Security Pact countries and its allies like – Hungary (1956), Bulgaria (1956), Poland (1955), Romania(1956), Czechoslovakia (1956). In addition, it was among first list of countries to recognize People’s Republic of China in 1949, after Mao Zedong’s successful communist revolution. Burma’s growing relations with many important Warsaw pact countries in 1956 was the result of Khrushchev & Bulganin’s visit to Burma in 1955, in which Soviet leadership promised to build a sports stadium and a technical institute for training Burmese in agricultural research and to establish tractor factory. Burma’s initiative to forge links with Warsaw pact countries in 1956 also made it possible for U Nu to get US aid in 1956 through US Economic Co-operation Administration to sell $ 21 million worth of surplus agricultural products for Burmese currency. The initiative of American help in 1956 facilitated the neutral partner of Afro-Asian nation to stand with the Western nations at United Nations in 1956 on the question of Russian brutality in Hungary and went with Western bloc on United Nations report on the Hungarian uprising in September 1957.[v] However despite Burma’s siding with Western Bloc’s on Hungary’s question in 1956, it remained neutral to cold-war politics and cooperated with India in world politics till the military take-over by General Ne Win in March 1962.

However foreign policy of Burma radically changed after the military takeover in 1962. Now for the new military rulers under General Ne Win, it was more important for the regime to find reliable political friends to stay in power to suppress internal discontent for the restoration of democracy in Burma rather than promoting & strengthening historical-cultural ties with any nation including India till 1988 democratic revolution. In this difficult situation to gain diplomatic support with armaments, China and its military arm in South Asia – Pakistan (Although, US policy think tanks are blundering to considers Pakistan as their trustworthy partner in South Asia) provided more homogeneity with Burma’s military General’s than any nations in the first act of diplomacy.

Moreover the more pronounced Burma/Myanmar’s foreign policy period of ‘Isolationism’ was not actually the ‘era of seclusion’ as it was projected to the world community by military regime and even officially accepted by many western nations including India. The country’s leaving of NAM in 1979 on the pretext of considering the movement to have strayed from its original course was well designed diplomatic move by SLORC regime to strengthen the perception of ‘Isolationism’ to avoid criticism by fellow NAM partners for the restoration of democracy in Burma, which had been witnessing continued student protests for democracy after 1962 coup. It was also necessary for the military regime to come out of NAM as Burma’s former premier U Nu and many of his political colleagues were alive and active at that time and enjoyed good rapport with the NAM leaders, who could pressurize Burma for democratic reforms. It was false perception of ‘Isolationism’ because during this period from 1962 to before 18^th September 1988 declaration – 3/88 of State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) of independent and active foreign policy, Military regime not only continued their policy of strengthening relationship with China but also established diplomatic relations with twenty four countries including – Cuba, Iran, Syria, Albania, Nigeria etc. And also for the first time Burma tried to break the ice to establish diplomatic bilateral cooperation with Latin American countries like – Argentina (1975), Chile (1982), and Brazil (1982) during this so called isolationism phase.[vi]

China followed the policy of stick & carrot in dealing with General Ne Win’s new military government in 1962. It first acted positively on 4^th March 1962, only two days after the coup to recognize the Ne Win’s regime and then also permitted comrades of Communist Party of Burma (CPB) exiles in China to issue their first public statement against new military regime on 01^st of August 1962. However, later on Burma’s relations with China improved during military regime apart from few exceptions on the issue of supporting communist movement inside Burma. The volume of Burma’s imports from China increased from Kyats 57.4 million in 1970-71 to Kyats 61.5 million in 1971-72, and further to Kyats 78.8 million in 1972-1973. Similarly, exports to China increased from only Kyats 3.4 million in 1970-71 to Kyats 5.5 million in 1971-72, and further jumped to Kyats 56.7 million in 1972-73.[vii]

Whether Burma is following ‘Independent & Active’ Foreign Policy under SPDC?

After the democratic revolution of 8.8.88, Burma officially adheres to pursue the independent and active foreign policy in world affair with the promulgations of the SLORC declaration – 3/88 of 18 September 1988 to mitigate strong demand of restoration of democratic movement. Burma’s contemporary official document on foreign policy directives states that, “Myanmar practices the Independent and Active Foreign Policy in accordance with the following principles: (a) respect of and adherence to the principle of equality among peoples and among nations and the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence (Panchshila) ; (b) taking a non-aligned, independent and just stand in international issues; (c) maintaining friendly relations with all nations, and good-neighbourly relations with neighbouring countries; (d) continued support of, and active participation in, the United Nations and its affiliated organizations; (e) pursuance of mutually beneficial bilateral and multilateral cooperation programmes; (f) regional consultation and beneficial cooperation in regional economic and social affairs; (g) active participation in the maintenance of international peace and security and the creation of an equitable economic order and opposition to imperialism, colonialism, intervention, aggression and hegemonism; and, (h) acceptance of foreign assistance which is beneficial to national development, provided there are no strings attached.”[viii]

However it is interesting to note that Burma’s foreign policy had been always active serving internal needs of supporting stability of Tatmadaw (military) rule in changing scenario in world affairs. And 1988 pronouncement of pursuing independent and active foreign policy was more related with the outcome of the entry of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in Burmese politics in 1988 and her national & international stature as well as support to her from international community, which was lacking in force in pre-88 period. During this contemporary active & independent phase of foreign policy, Burma has been successful in establishing diplomatic relations with twenty-six countries, exceeding only two nations compared with earlier isolationism period reaching presently the total number of Ninety-three nations including great move to become part of ASEAN in 1997. In this active phase, Burma established relations with African countries like – Ghana (1995), South Africa (1995), Kenya (1997) etc. and with break-away nations of Soviet Union like – Ukraine (1999), Azerbaijan (1999), Georgia (1999), Kazakhstan (1999), Kyrgyzstan (2000), Uzbekistan (2001) etc. and strengthened her relationship with South America developed during so called – ‘Isolationism’ phase by establishing relationship with Peru (1989) and Venezuela (1990).[ix]

Burma officially wants to establish relations with all nations based on ‘Panchshila’, but the available facts shows her relying more on China and its partner nations like – Pakistan and now Russia (In 2001 ‘Russia-China Good Neighbourly Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation’ signed in July 2001 to cooperate on bilateral ties & major international issues including Myanmar) to counter American, European Union and Western powers pressure to negotiate with Daw Suu Kyi, suffering under prolonged house arrest and National League of Democracy (NLD) party, the winner of May 1990 elections.

Although, presently Burma enjoys diplomatic relations with Ninety-three countries and junta’s official declarations shows that most of the foreign direct investment to Myanmar comes from Asian countries up to September 2006, consisting 79.5 percent of total FDI, worth $ 11,012 million US dollars. After Asian countries, it is ASEAN+3 countries, which has $ 10,462 million US dollars of FDI, then, ASEAN countries – which has $ 9,861 million US dollars of investment in Myanmar in various sectors. Among different nations till September 2006, military junta’s recent FDI data shows that, USA has investment worth $ 244 million US dollars, then, Japan with $ 215 million US dollars, China with $ 194 million US dollars, Republic of Korea with $ 192 million US dollars, Australia with $ 82 million US dollars and India & Russia’s FDI respectively with $ 35 and $ 33 million US dollars.[x] However, one should be very careful in accepting military junta’s Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development data about the nation’s economic achievements and trade ratios with different countries as it lacks transparency and accuracy or probably intentional to create confusion to counter US economic sanctions as part of their diplomacy.

Moreover, the recent economic data of SPDC up to September 2006 intentionally attempts to undermine the presence of Chinese FDI in Myanmar valuing to US $ 194 million making it even lower than USA and Japan’s FDI. But other official sources of Myanmar government itself contradicts later projections, as the government reported data of 2004 itself says only about one Chinese province – Yunnan’s investment in Myanmar, that, “Yunnan currently has capital totaling $ 406 million US dollars invested in Burma/Myanmar”, as well as, “Myanmar made up just US $ one billion of China’s US $ 78.25 billion trade with ASEAN in 2003 and trade between Myanmar and Yunnan province reached US $ 490 million last year (2003), an increase of eighteen percent over 2002.”[xi]

However interestingly Burma’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, economic data showing FDI till 31^st December 2002 that, Singapore & Britain as first and second largest investor in Burma valuing US $ 1566.626 millions & US $ 1404.011 millions with 71 & 37 enterprises respectively. And placing China at fifteenth place worth US $ 64.151 (sixty-four point one hundred fifty one) millions with only thirteen enterprises after Singapore (1st), Britain (2^nd), Thailand (3^rd), Malaysia (4^th), United States (5^th), France (Sixth), Netherlands (Seventh), Indonesia (Eighth), Japan (Ninth), Philippines’ (10^th), Hong Kong (11th), Republic of Korea (12^th), Australia (13^th), Austria (14^th), and interesting to find India at 20^th place with $ 4.50 million US dollars.[xii] Although, for year 2001, the Chinese official media – “the People’s Daily” reports differently of Chinese investment in Myanmar. It says that, “In the year 2001 first ten months, the bilateral trade volume amounted worth $ 499 million US dollars, registering 3.1 percent year-on-year growth. And in the first ten months of 2001, Chinese companies signed 87 project deals, totaling US $ 186 million and by the end of 2000, there were 752 contract agreements between Chinese and Myanmar companies with a value of $ 1.786 billion US dollars.[xiii]

According to the another latest figures released by the SPDC’s Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development in the second week of April 2007, “Myanmar has been successful in attracting $ 14.4 billion US dollars since the country opened in late 1988. The concerned FDI related with 408 projects, came from twenty-eight countries among which – Thailand, Singapore, United Kingdom and Malaysia were taking the lead. It also says that, the highest annual contracted foreign investment of $ 6.065 billion US dollars in 2005-06 fiscal years came from Thailand with $ 6.03 billion dollars in the 7,110 MW Tar-hsan hydropower project on the Thanlwin River in eastern Shan state’s Tachilek area. In which it was successful in inviting 34 percent in Oil and Gas sector, 20 percent in manufacturing, 13.7 percent in real estate, 13.3 percent in hotels and tourism and rest of the investments in mining, livestock & fisheries, transport communication, industrial estates, construction and agriculture. But once again it shows surprising minimal investment data about China investment – Seven Lakhs US dollars in mining totaling around $ 35 million US dollars.[xiv] However Ministry of Commerce data of Myanmar government reported in the official media says that, China-Myanmar bilateral trade achieved US $ 1.46 billion in 2006, up 20.7 percent from 2005. And of the total, China’s exports to Myanmar comprised US $ 1207 billion, up 29.2 percent, while it imported $ 252 million worth of goods from Myanmar, down 7.9 percent and China gained a trade surplus of US $ 955 million during this year.[xv] Furthermore, reliability of Myanmar’s economic data could be assessed from the Asian Development Bank’s recent Asian Development Outlook 2006 observation that, “an assessment of Myanmar’s economic development is handicapped by incomplete information and by deficiencies in the reliability of data. Official estimates suggest that the economy grew quickly in financial year 2004, but this is not supported by trends in inputs. Inflation appeared to rise to double-digit rates in 2005 and significant improvements in economic performance are unlikely in view of structural weakness in domestic policies, which include the monetization of fiscal deficits and a dual exchange rate.”

Apart from intensive economic engagement with China, Myanmar’s military junta also enjoys deep defence cooperation with Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and investment in strategic sectors like – Railways and Telecommunications. In the last week of January 2007, Myanmar’s military Chief of Staff and member of the ruling Myanmar State Peace and Development Council – Thura Shwe Mann visited China and met with Premier Wen Jiabao to enhance existing friendly and cooperative ties between the two armed forces. During Myanmar’s Prime Minister, General Soe Win’s visit to China in February 2006, China’s Telecommunications Corporation Director, Mr. Liang Niu discussed cooperation in the telecommunication sector and Chinese Assistant Railway Minister, Mr. Lu Dongfu called for close cooperation in rail transport with Myanmar’s Rail Transportation minister – Mr. Maj-Gen Aung Min. China has earlier donated 130 rail coaches (2005) to Myanmar and interested in construction of railroad from Kunming in Yunnan to Tali and plans to build railway up to Shweli, the border of the two countries and rail route development up to Lashio.[xvi]

The SPDC’s major concession to China in economic & strategic sectors to the level of tilting balance of trade in subjugation to Chinese economy has undermined military junta’s contemporary core objective of foreign policy which states that, “acceptance of foreign assistance which is beneficial to national development, provided there are no strings attached.” However giving concession to China as well as to Russia has been of great benefit to junta recently in successfully vetoing US-UK backed United Nations Security Council Resolution against their rule on 12^th of January 2007 in its 5619^th meeting. In which, China together with Russia vetoed a draft resolution (the first use of multiple vetoes at the Council since 1989) against Burma to release all political prisoners including Daw Suu Kyi, and to start widespread dialogue and end its military attacks and human rights abuses against ethnic minorities.

In its present active and independent phase of foreign policy, Burma has also tried to follow the footsteps of China in its diplomatic engagement with world community as well as to check future resolution vote against their rule in UN Security Council from present African member nations. After the Beijing summit on the ‘Forum on China-Africa Cooperation’ (FOCAC) in the first week of November 2006, Myanmar also intensified its engagement with African nations established in 1990’s. And, from 1^st to 18^th February 2007, Myanmar’s Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. U Kyaw Thu made a goodwill trip to four African nations viz. – South Africa, Nigeria, Ghana and Congo to enhance cooperation.[xvii] It is interesting to note that, South Africa voted in favour with China and Russia on 12^th of January 2007 UN Security Council resolution sponsored by USA & UK and Congo abstained with Indonesia and Qatar, whereas Ghana voted against Myanmar with Belgium, France, Italy, Panama, Peru and Slovakia.

However despite USA’s & European Union’s opposition & pressure to the military junta for democratic reforms, Myanmar has been able successfully to forge close cooperation with Thailand, Malaysia, Laos, Vietnam and Singapore in ASEAN as well as with India. In recent year’s, India’s engagement with Myanmar’s military rulers is based on 1992’s initiated Look East policy departing from earlier position of open support to the democratic movement led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi of Indira Gandhi & Rajiv Gandhi era. However, India’s look east policy found real ground after January 2000 visit of Vice Chairmen, SPDC, Gen. Maung Aye to India. And since then, many high level visit’s had been taken place between Myanmar and India, including the visit of the Chairman of SPDC – Senior General – Mr. Than Shwe to India in October 2004 and Indian President – Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam’s visit to Myanmar in March 2006. For present policy makers of India, Myanmar is a gateway to ASEAN, BIMST-EC, Mekong Ganga Cooperation as well as strategic to India’s sensitive Northeastern region sharing 1400 KM’s of borders with Indian states of Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram. India’s engagement with junta is also guided to seek cooperation from General’s to control rising Northeast insurgency, drug trade, and smuggling as well as to check Myanmar falling into Chinese and Pakistani embrace and to exploit economic opportunity in energy, transportation, space technology and other trade sectors. For Burma’s General’s support from world’s largest democratic nation – India, has immense propaganda value at the United Nations and other international forums to negate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in national politics as well as to propagate their sincerity towards seven-step roadmap of disciplined democracy.

However over the periods, it has been proved that, Indian expectation has been not fulfilled seriously by military junta. India’s export volume to Myanmar in the year 2005-06 was US $ 489.10 million and import in the same year was worth US $ 80.07 million, which is an insignificant volume compared with China. Although for Indian Foreign Secretary’s view, India’s relations with Burma should be not looked as India-China rivalry in Burma as it is not appropriate to look for India-China rivalry at every nook and corner of Asia and India-Myanmar relations stand on their own.[xviii] In reality, northeast insurgency, drug trade and smuggling have increased during look east phase of constructive engagement with military junta. In July 2004, Government of India’s Border Security Force in Tripura seized a huge consignment of drugs smuggled from Burma borders into India and in August 2004, India’s Assam state Chief Minister – Tarun Gogoi had openly accused Myanmar of fueling insurgency in northeast India.[xix] The situation become alarming on northeast insurgency facilitated Indian External Affairs Minister, Mr. Pranab Mukherjee to visit Yangon in January 2007, in which Myanmar General once again promised not to allow its territory to be used for activities inimical to India. However Myanmar and India has MOU signed in January 1994 of Cooperation between the Civilian Border Authorities to organize National Level Meetings (NLMs) and Sectoral Level Meetings (SLMs), in which NLM is led by the Home Secretary and SLM by the concerned Joint Secretary, Ministry of Home Affairs to maintain peace and tranquility all along the border including to check insurgency activities. Although few weeks before the trip, India’s leading Newspaper – The Times of India reported on 21^st December 2006 about POK (Pakistan Occupied Kashmir) based Islamic terrorist organization – Lashkar-e-Taiba’s have bases in Manipur having connections inside Myanmar borders.

India, China and Russia’s support to military regime has certainly provided required life-line to the military governance in Burma with successfully attaining the ultimate aims of its ‘independent and active diplomacy’ delaying the restoration of democracy and release of noble laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest. It has also given positive message to other nations including ASEAN members to easily escape from questions of democratic reforms in Burma, taking refuge in the ASEAN ‘Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia’ signed at Bali on 24^th February, 1976, Article -2 (C) and of Panchshila ideals of – “Non-interference in the internal affairs of one another”. But how long freedom of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners of Burma in reality would wait for ASEAN and UN to act firmly to fulfill its officially announced statements?

 

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Endnotes:

[i] Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Government of Myanmar, Yangon, Foreign Policy Directions: Foreign Policy – Independent and Active Foreign Policy, Year 2007, p.3.

[ii] Political Situation of Myanmar, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Government of Myanmar, Yangon, Year 2002, p.15.

[iii] Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India, New Delhi report on Myanmar, Bilateral Relations with Myanmar from the web site: < mea.gov.in/foreign/myanmar.htm >, accessed on 22 March 2007.

[iv] George McTurnan Kahin, General Ed., Government and Politics of Southeast Asia, written by Josef Silverstein – Part II: Burma, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, New York, Year 1961, p.145.

[v] Ibid, pp.145-146.

[vi] List of Countries Having Diplomatic Relations With The Union of Myanmar, Permanent Mission of the Union of Myanmar to the United Nations and other International Organizations in Geneva, Switzerland website:

< mission.itu.int/MISSIONS/Myanmar/basicfacts/DipRelations.htm > accessed on 11 March 2007.

[vii] Kalyani Bandyopadhyaya, Burma and Indonesia: Comparative Political Economy & Foreign Policy, South Asian Publishers, New Delhi, Year 1983, pp. 176-177.

[viii] Notes-1, p.3

[ix] Notes-6.

[x] Amount of Foreign Direct Investment in Myanmar (Nation wise, up to September 2006), The New Light of Myanmar, 18 December 2006, Volume XIV, No. 246, p.6.

 

[xi] Moe Zaw Myint, Myanmar and China aim to increase trade to $ 1.5 b by 2005, The Myanmar Times & Business Review, April 26-May 2, 2004, Volume 11, No.213.

 

[xii] Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Government of Myanmar, Yangon, Foreign Direct Investments in Myanmar up to 2002.

 

[xiii] China, Myanmar Trade Keeps Growing, People’s Daily, Beijing, 12 December 2001.

 

[xiv] Foreign investment in Myanmar hits 14.4 b US dollars in 19 years, People’s Daily Online, Beijing, 11 April 2007.

[xv] Ye Lwin with Xinhua, Myanmar Inks Deals With China’s Yunnan, The Myanmar Times & Business Review, April 2-8, 2007, Vol. 18, No. 361.

 

[xvi] Myanmar Information Committee, Yangon Information Sheet, Govt. of Myanmar, Yangon, No. D-3592 (I), 21 February 2006.p.3

[xvii] Deputy Foreign Minister Winds up Four-Nation Tour, The New Light of Myanmar, 24 February 2007, Vol. XIV, No. 314, p.8.

[xviii] Press Briefings by Foreign Secretary, Mr. Shyam Saran, on the visit of President Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam to Myanmar and Mauritius, 8-13 March 2006, Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India, New Delhi, From the web site of < ministry: mea.gov.in/pressbriefings/2006/03/07pb01.htm > accessed on 10 April 2007.

 

[xix] Surajit Khaund, Assam CM Demand Sealing of Indo-Burmese Border, Mizzima News, 27 August 2004.

(Important Note: The article first appeared in the Indocentric Foreign Affairs Monthly Journal entitled, “World Focus” (published from New Delhi) in its June 2007 special issue on Myanmar/Burma besides me, the other experts who contributed in this special issue on Burma from India are: Dr. Udai Bhanu Singh ( Research Fellow, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses – IDSA), New Delhi, Prof. Ganganath Jha (Professor, Southeast Asian and Southwest Pacific Studies Division, School of International Studies, JNU, New Delhi) and Ms. Paramita Das (Senior Research Scholar, SIS, JNU, New Delhi), Sonu Trivedi (Lecturer of Political Science at Zakir Husain College, University of Delhi, Dr. Langpoklakpam Suraj Singh (Faculty Member, Department of Political Science, DM College of Arts, Imphal, Manipur), and Mr. Dipanjan Roy Choudhary (a Delhi based journalist, who regularly writes on security and terrorism issues), the concerned special issue can be purchased by writing to – World Focus, B-49, (Ground Floor) Joshi Colony, IP Extension, Delhi – 110092, India : Rajshekhar, Editor, Burma Review, India. )

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